Gen Z has largely taken to socialism but seemingly unable to define socialism beyond policies. For example when ive attended protests and i start discussing the philosophical underpinnings of neoliberalism and how you need to attack those underpinings ive been told that "im doing too much". Yet what many comrades of this mindset do not understand is the large effect Ideology has on the maintenance of capitalism. If you started explaining Lenin's Empirio-Criticism, DeBord's Society of the Spectacle, or Zeizeks Ideology comrades become uneasy. Not becuase of the people mentioned but because the topics are too heavy. But yet there is a high imperative to understand philosophy from a marxist lense in order to combat the pervasive "common sense" philosophical trend that has helped maintain capitalism to blind the mind against the material world. We can have a touching chorus of union control and the such but if we cannot tackle "common sense" we cannot hope to win. Policies mean nothing if a deep philosophical underpinning cannot be expressed.

For example, Gen Z in its drive to implement socialism exclaims "free" Healthcare without realizing that nothing is "free". Healthcare requires labor. How do we decommodify healthcare? We control the resources, the material reality of the world and manage them.

Gen Z also cannot understand things beyond having a binary or two poles to base their understanding on. For example the answer to intolerance must always be a from of tolerance. But never a revolutionary solution that changes the material reality of the world that is hitherto creating intolerance such as the mentality that creates the colonizer/colonized mentality. That the colonizer and colonized must fight each other, but never understand the bourgeois philosophical underpinning in the political-economy is to create artificial scarcity in its under-classes' to drive a legitimate relationship in the minds of aforementiond under-classes' by derpiving them of their material reality to see colonization as "common sense" due to their material deprivation and to seek opportunities outside the mother country.

What is the party's current stance on sex workers and antisex work legislation, including laws targeting pornography and prostitution?

I am aware that some Marxist-Leninist regimes prohibit these activities, but many Western ML organizations seem to favor decriminalization at the very least. Some oppose reactionary legislation but still advocate cultural struggle against it.

My thought was that communism itself would remove the material bases for commercial sex or pornography. If everyone's needs were fully provided for, there was no profit motive, and women were truly equal, the financial incentives would completely dry up.

But, at the same time, communism itself does not regulate private behavior or prescribe any specific moral taboos, except to the extent that it affects the mode of production. So theoretically people could still do it just for fun, like making amateur pornography or as a form of artistic expression or even just trading sex for special gifts or favors ("quid pro quo") if they so desired.

It's just that nobody would have to do it in order to survive. But if somebody had a particular fetish along those lines, out of sheer exhibitionism or a kink for transactional sex or whatever, it wouldn't necessarily be prohibited as long as they were all consenting adults.

At the same time, one could argue that many current sexual practices are rooted in capitalist alienation and that changing the baseline material conditions of society would change our consciousness and ideas about sex as well. So there might be forms of sexual expression that we can't even imagine while still living under capitalism, while many current practices rooted in patriarchy and capitalism would die out with the absence of inequality and exploitation.

So I'm just curious what comrades and party members think about this, because I know that some communist organizations take a hard line against sex work and pornography, while others favor legalization or at least decriminalization. I haven't really seen the topic addressed within CPUSA. Maybe it's just a Trotskyist/Maoist obsession or it would be too divisive or a distraction from organizing the working class to take power.

Plus, where does the party stand on organizing sex workers to fight back against pimps, madams, bosses, and johns, and take back control over their own workplaces? Is that something that has ever been discussed or theorized within orthodox Marxism-Leninism?

My monthly dues were canceled by PayPal today and the email from PayPal says the profile is inactive. Just wondering if it’s a PayPal issue or what.

I am very new to communism and to CPUSA so forgive me if my question is dumb or offensive. I am only trying to learn. I know the party describes itself as Marxist-Leninist. And I know that Lenin said the only reason to interact with bourgeois democracy was to destroy it. But then I saw an interview with Comrade Joe Sims talking about how we need to participate in elections. Is there something I’m not understanding? Is there a new interpretation of the theory? I’m not coming with any judgement or preconceived notions. I am just trying to understand the theory, the history, and the present situation. Thanks in advance for your help, comrades.

In the same way that there's a flair for party members and fellow travelers I think this subreddit should have a custom flair for Young Communist League members

I am forced to live with an idiot step father until April and my address is gonna change by then, unfortunately he's liable to go ballistic... so while he doesn't know CPUSA or even the symbol... what exactly are on the envelopes?

I'm sure this won't be controversial at all...

I was wondering if truckdriver, seaport and railroad workers protested 1 month in USA Fascist Empire like it was in Canada will it put USA tyrannical oligarchic government on it's knees?

(Machine translation)

"President Souphanouvong was of royal descent, being the son of Prince Bounkhong, the Uparat (Viceroy), and Mom Kham Ouan. He received an advanced education both within Laos and abroad.

Owing to his status, President Souphanouvong could have lived a life of comfort and privilege. Instead, he chose not to follow such a path. At a time when the nation was still under foreign invasion and the Lao people were being oppressed and exploited by the imperialist colonialists, he dedicated himself to another course.

After the August Revolution in Vietnam achieved victory, President Ho Chi Minh invited President Souphanouvong, who was then working in the city of Vinh, to Hanoi for a meeting. Following this meeting, he received assistance from the Vietnamese leadership in organizing a joint Lao–Vietnamese armed force within Laos to wage the struggle against the French colonialists and win independence for the Lao people.

That meeting left the deepest impression of President Souphanouvong's revolutionary life and became a decisive turning point in his revolutionary activities.

Thereafter, President Souphanouvong returned to Laos by way of Route 9. Upon arriving in Sepon District, Savannakhet Province, he received a warm welcome from the local people. There, for the first time, he delivered a speech before a large gathering, declaring:

"The land of Laos must belong to the Lao people. Therefore, all of us must unite, combine our strength, and struggle to recover our beloved homeland."

These words became a tremendous source of strength, contributing greatly to the mobilization of the Lao people of all ethnic groups to unite and rise in struggle against both the old and the new forms of colonialism in the years that followed.

This marked the beginning of President Souphanouvong's great revolutionary mission. It was the greatest turning point in his life, opening a new chapter in which he devoted his blood, sweat, strength, and intellect to the struggle for national liberation against both the old and the new forms of colonialism.

In 1945, the Lao people rose up and seized power in Vientiane, proclaiming the establishment of the Lao Issara (Free Laos) Government. President Souphanouvong was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs while simultaneously serving as Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces of the Lao Issara Front.

Under his command, many distinguished military engagements were fought. Among the most renowned was the defense of Thakhek when the French colonialists returned to invade our country for a second time.

Although the enemy possessed far greater numbers of troops, superior weapons and military equipment, and enjoyed overwhelming technological superiority, supported as well by numerous bomber aircraft, the combined Lao–Vietnamese armed forces under the command of President Souphanouvong fought with exceptional courage in the defense of Thakhek.

During this battle, President Souphanouvong was seriously wounded. He underwent a lengthy period of medical treatment before he was finally able to return and continue leading the revolutionary struggle through to victory.

After the nation had been completely liberated, President Souphanouvong assumed the heavy and momentous responsibilities of serving as President of the Republic while also holding the office of President of the Supreme People's Assembly. In these positions, President Souphanouvong worked tirelessly together with the collective leadership to guide a nation that was still young and faced pressure from hostile forces on every side. Nevertheless, the country weathered every storm, overcame every difficulty, and continued to grow steadily and securely to the present day.

An ancient Lao proverb teaches:

"When you eat rice, remember the farmer's merit; when you eat fish, remember the water's bounty."

We—the cadres, Party members, soldiers, police officers, workers, and the people of all ethnic groups who have inherited this revolutionary cause—should express our gratitude by learning from President Souphanouvong's example: his willingness to sacrifice personal happiness for the collective good; his unwavering revolutionary spirit; his simple, honest, incorruptible, and frugal way of life; his courage and determination in never surrendering to the enemy; and his perseverance and diligence in study and self-improvement.

No matter the circumstances, President Souphanouvong remained steadfast in his convictions, firm in principle, and served as a model for the masses.

President Souphanouvong will forever live in the hearts of the Lao people."

Source: Propaganda and Training Committee, Central Committee, Lao People's Revolutionary Party